Showing posts with label Labour Party. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Labour Party. Show all posts

Sunday, 4 October 2015


Thumbs up for Recovery at Davos.

 With the general election seemingly destined to take place in late November of this year the narrative of the campaign will be dominated by one word; "Recovery".

Labour and Fine Gael will trumpet that they are delivering a recovery, pointing to unemployment figures, increases in GDP and other economic indicators. They will also brandish their bag of goodies in the form of the recently announced €27bn capital investment plan.

The opposition will maintain that all is not as it seems with the economic figures, that they do not tell the whole story, pointing out that many have not seen any improvement, that the "recovery" has not filtered down to much of the middle and working classes. That many of the new jobs are of poor quality, low paid and insecure with low hour contracts. They will also rightly point out that schemes like jobsbridge as well as continued emigration mask the true reality. It will also be hammered home that the policies of Fine Gael and Labour have favored the wealthy and left behind the majority, that inequality has increased  and that the most vulnerable in society, the very young, the sick, the disabled, the old, have been the harshest hit by austerity and that this has been by design. 

They will, as Sinn Féin for instance have stated, argue for a "Fair Recovery" or as Paul Murphy of the SP/AAA puts it; a "Real Recovery".


All of this is fair, true and laudable enough but we need to ask what is meant by "recovery"? 

To take it at its meaning it suggests a return to normality or to how things were before, to the state of affairs prior to the great calamity of austerity. But do we really want to go back? Do we want a "recovery", or to build something new?

This is not to suggest that Sinn Féin or any other party on the left are in favour of "going back" but my point is that the "recovery" narrative of the establishment parties needs to be challenged in it's entirety. The Celtic Tiger of boom and bust is not something we should wish to return to. This cycle is something which is systemic in the capitalistic system, so in that sense it is "normal". Do we want to "recover" this normality? A "recovery" in the meaning of the establishment parties is not something which is desirable and this point needs to be made, any "buying in" to the recovery narrative suggests, subliminally at least, that things are heading somewhat in the right direction.

We need to examine in greater detail the facts and figures behind the Celtic Tiger. The economic growth was almost solely based around the construction/property bubble and the resultant financialization of the economy with ancillary employment in that area. In terms of fundamental growth in the economy there was very little, it was all about the bubble and it was always destined to burst. 

Far from ordinary people getting rich, they got poorer. Wage levels in recent decades have largely stagnated but instead growth has been fueled by more readily available credit. We can see from the table below how debt rocketed thoughout the "good years".


Despite the on-going "recovery" Irish households are the third most indebted in Europe. The Irish government, and its people in general have been lucky that interest rates have remained extremely low, it is this which has facilitated the "recovery" more so than any policy over which the Irish state has direct control or influence over. Given the debt levels and openness of the Irish economy we are extremely vulnerable to any international "shocks" even those as straightforward as small interest rate increases. 


We are at the mercy of the international finance system. Given the small size of the Irish economy perhaps this is inevitable but our over-reliance on FDI to provide jobs and industry is something which is self inflicted. 

To get back to the point of this article, we should not look for a "recovery", we should look for an alternative. To those with original ideas and those who seek to build a sustainable alternative, one which puts as much control as possible in the hands of the Irish people and not that of international bodies, markets or oligarchs. 

We need to get out and support those on the left in arguing for systemic changes, not mere tinkering around the edges,  otherwise we will find ourselves going down the same road again.

We need an alternative to what went before, not a "recovery".


Posted by Unknown On Sunday, October 04, 2015 No comments READ FULL POST

Wednesday, 5 February 2014

"Croppies acre" is situated just in front of Collins Barracks (National Museum of Ireland) in Dublin. Hundreds of "croppies" (United Irishmen) were buried here in a mass grave following their execution during the 1798 rising. Up to 300 United Irishmen and sympathizers (suspected or otherwise) are buried here, however we only know the names of a few. The most prominent of these were Bartholomew Teeling and Matthew Tone,  (brother of Theobald Wolfe Tone) who were both hanged at Provost Prison on Arbour Hill before their bodies were dumped into the "Croppy Pit".

Their resting place lay unmarked for hundreds of years and this disgrace finally came to a head in the late nineties when plans were drawn up to turn the site into a carpark for the nearby museum. Following a lengthy and vocal campaign the government capitulated and designated the site as a 1798 Memorial Park. Significant monies were spent developing the site into one worthy of that designation, and the result was very fine indeed.



Some 35,000 Euro was spent rejuvenating the site in 2011 and the displaced Anna Livia statue, formally of O'Connell street, was relocated to Croppies Acre. However since then the site has been disgracefully neglected and has as a result become a haven for anti social activity and drug taking. It is now closed to the public, with the gates permanently padlocked. The Memorial Park has seemingly been given up on and left to rot. 


The Seán Heuston 1916 Society recently took steps to raise awareness about this criminal neglect and their members carried out a clean up of the site. The pictures were shocking.


The OPW and the Dublin government need to take responsibility, clean up the site and reopen it to the public, subject to monitoring - perhaps CCTV would be ideal - with regular checks and maintenance. Memorials and graves of this nature deserve to be cared for, but this neglect typifies the attitude of the Dublin government to National Monuments the length and breadth of the country. Many, such as Moore Street and the surrounding 1916 battlefield site lie in neglect. They are even currently in the process of selling off commercial licenses and interests at historical sites all across the country - see here. This typifies the attitude of the Fine Gael/Labour government, profit is the bottom line and who cares if tourists are ripped off and historical sites are profit generating vehicles for private businesses? Obviously this needs to be opposed. Local and European elections are imminent and I would urge readers to press candidates on the issues raised in this piece. I would also urge people to raise these issues by contacting their local TD's (contact details here) and the OPW who can be contacted through the following: 

The Office of Public Works.
Head Office, Jonathan Swift Street,
Trim, Co. Meath.
Lo-Call: 1890 213 414
PH: (046) 942 6000
FAX: (046) 948 1793
E-mail: info@opw.ie
General Jean Humbert

Reproduced below are the final letters written by Matthew Tone and the final statement of Bartholomew Teeling. They give an insight into the character of these men, and I publish them here in the hope that they will energize readers, motivate them into taking steps to ensure that their sacrifice is not forgotten and their final resting place is given the care and respect it deserves. 

Both of these patriots lie buried in Croppies Acre along with hundreds more like them. Teeling and Tone were both part of the French landing in Kilcummin led by General Humbert. Tone's first letter gives some account of events.

Donegal Bay,
5 Fructidor (August 22nd),
6 o'clock, morning.
Dear Friends Gagin and Matty,

The day I embarked at Rochelle, I wrote to you, in the letter, I gave you account of our Force, but, as it might have miscarried, I shall repeat its contents. We are nine hundred Infantry, and about one hundred Chasseurs and Cannoniers, with twenty or thirty officers a la suite. We have, besides, three field pieces, six thousand stand of arms, and a very adequate quantity of ammunition. I should also mention a large quantity of helmets and odd clothing of various colours which the General found in the magazines at Rochelle. Pat will look droll in a helmet without any corresponding article of dress.

To come to our actual situation. Yesterday morning we arrived at the mouth of the Bay after a passage of thirteen days without seeing anything. We stood up toward .Killybegs harbour with a light breeze, and got within two hours' sail of our landing place when the wind died away. This is dammed unlucky, and has entirely deprived (us) of the advantage of surprise. The wind springing up contrary in the evening, we stood right across the bay to the County Mayo, where Killala, I believe, affords a place proper to debark. Night, and the want of a pilot obliges us to anchor in the middle of the bay. This morning, we are underway again, endeavouring to get into Killala, the wind not very good. I refer you to the map where you will see that we are both in sight of Killybegs and Killala Bays without the power of entering either - Pause here, my friends, and pay a compliment to my Patience, which suffers me to write in such a situation you cannot expect any coherency.

We are surrounded on all sides by very high mountains. If there is any aristocrat within ten leagues of us with his glass on the top of some hill watching our motions and sending expresses in every direction these are pleasant speculations. I hope the rogues won't have the wit to destroy all the fishing boats round the bay for we are in great need of some to help us to debark. We have not as yet seen a single boat round the bay; on dit that we shall be in Killala in a couple of hours. Our Grenadiers will debark in their own boats, and if there be any fishermen, the rascals shall be made useful. I have no more to add; you shall have a line from me written on the back of my hat, I have seen a print of Bonaparte in that attitude.

1 o'clock in the afternoon.
My Dear Friends,

I ask pardon of the Gods for having repined; we are clear in with Killala and have taken a little brig, a thing absolutely necesssary as our Frigates are too large to run close in. We have also some fishing boats. The pilot, who is up* [A United Irishman] gives us the best intelligence in the world. Scarcely any troops to oppose us and Jemmy Plunket is at the head of the insurgents who are up in the County of Roscommon ; we have also taken a Lieutenant in the Prince of Wales' Regiment of Fencibles, going from Sligo to Killala, to take the command, or rather to join a company of Infants there, ditto a gentleman of Sligo, with him, a yeoman. They, I believe, are aristocrats. I offered to lay a guinea that if we please, we will be masters of Sligo tomorrow, without firing a shot at six. God bless you. Postscript shall be dated from Killala ; en attendant I apprize you that we hear nothing of any other squadron having arrived. Burke considers this letter as from himself.

Killala. 6 Fructidor.

Yesterday evening we landed, and drove sixty yeomen and regulars like sheep before us, a few of our Grenadiers only were landed and engaged. We killed twenty and made a dozen prisoners. The people will join us in myriads, they throw themselves on their knees as we pass along and extend their arms for our success; we will be masters of Connaught in a few days. Erin go bragh.

M. TONE.


Alas this optimism was misplaced and their enterprise was met with disaster when they were defeated at the Battle of Ballinamuck. Matthew Tone and Bartholomew Teeling (a prominent United Irishman and Captain in the French Army, noted for, among other things, his heroism and bravery in the Battle of Collooney where he single-handedly disabled and captured a Britsh gunner post when he broke ranks, galloped towards it on his horse and shot the soldiers manning it.) along with hundreds of French soldiers were captured. The French were treated as prisoners of war but the Irish were tried for treason, in courts-martial, and executed. 


Here follows Matthew Tone's final letter, written after he found out that he was to be executed the following day, addressed to his legal counsel. Also a statement Teeling intended to read from the scaffold but was ultimately prevented from doing so:



28th September, 1798.
Dear Sir,

As I know from experience that suspense is the worst of all states, I hasten to relieve my friends from it ; the business is determined on - tomorrow is the day fixt.

I request that no friend may come near me - sorrow is contagious, and I would not willingly betray any weakness on the occasion.

Accept a thousand thanks for the interest you have taken in my affairs.  Farewell.

MATTHEW TONE.


Bartholomew Teeling

Teeling's statement;

"Fellow-citizens, I have been condemned by a military tribunal to suffer what they call an ignominious death, but what appears, from the number of its illustrious victims, to be glorious in the highest degree. It is not in the power of men to abase virtue nor the man who dies for it. His death must be glorious in the field of battle or on the scaffold.

The same Tribunal which has condemned me —Citizens, I do not speak to you here of the constitutional right of such a Tribunal, —has stamped me a traitor. If to have been active in endeavouring to put a stop to the blood-thirsty policy of an oppressive Government has been treason, I am guilty. If to have endeavoured to give my native country a place among the nations of the earth was treason, then I am guilty indeed. If to have been active in endeavouring to remove the fangs of oppression from the head of the devoted Irish peasant was treason, I am guilty.

Finally, if to have striven to make my fellow-men love each other was guilt, then I am guilty. You, my countrymen, may perhaps one day be able to tell whether these were the acts of a traitor or deserved death. My own heart tells me they were not and, conscious of my innocence, I would not change my present situation for that of the highest of my enemies.

Fellow-citizens, I leave you with the heartfelt satisfaction of having kept my oath as a United Irishman, and also with the glorious prospect of the success of the cause in which we have been engaged. Persevere, my beloved countrymen. Your cause is the cause of Truth. It must and will ultimately triumph."
Posted by Unknown On Wednesday, February 05, 2014 2 comments READ FULL POST

Tuesday, 31 December 2013


Jack Bennett's introductory essay to the book "Freedom The Wolfe Tone Way", written in 1972 by Seán Cronin and Richard Roche, is generally regarded as a classic example of republican literature. In it, in forceful style, he applies the basic principles of Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen to modern Ireland and convincingly tackles a number of issues such as the "two nations" concept, the "principle of consent", protestant identity, sectarianism and the root causes of Ireland's problems. (See the contents page reproduced below for a better overview of topics discussed).




Bennett was writing from a very interesting perspective; a protestant from Belfast and the son of a senior RUC officer. A journalist by profession he was also involved in the Wolfe Tone Societies and in setting up the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. He had a long association with left wing politics and was very critical of much of the Irish left who often sought to hide from the national question or support the status quo by scorning the national issue as being "sectarian" and something below them. Correctly, he viewed this position as adopting - unconsciously or otherwise - a pro-imperialist stance, one incompatible with the fundamentals of socialism. Although written in 1972 his essay is just as relevant today, perhaps even more so given the political developments and the amount of traction many of the concepts he criticizes have gained. 
Jack Bennett passed away in 2000. 
"Freedom The Wolfe Tone Way" is itself an excellent read with an extensive selection of Wolfe Tone's own writings as well as contemporary analysis. It certainly lives up to the claim on it's rear cover; 
"The complete book about Wolfe Tone for the times, This is a book FOR these turbulent times. It brings slap-up-to-date the enduring message of brotherhood which Tone bequeathed us, and relates that message to the problems of Ireland in the seventies.
And it lets Wolfe Tone himself do most of the talking"
Unfortunately the book is long out of print and is hard to come by. However I feel that Bennett's essay is very incisive, thought provoking and worth reading, especially in today's context, so I have scanned it and embedded it below. You can download a searchable PDF file of Bennett's essay from the Scribd website at this link. If anyone would like it in a different format (EPUB, text etc) just leave a comment below. 

Posted by Unknown On Tuesday, December 31, 2013 6 comments READ FULL POST

Wednesday, 16 January 2013



Eamon Gilmore and Pat Rabbitte

“In Ireland our party has no regular source of income, whatever resources we have secured it has been through our own efforts, we state in confidence to you, that we do not allow ourselves to be restricted in the methods of raising resources,” states a four-page letter to the SED  [East German Ruling Party,the East German Socialist Unity Party of Germany ] central committee, dated February 26th, 1989.

"Legal and illegal means have been employed by us. We well recognize the dangers involved in some of our resources raising activity in Ireland and we are constantly examining ways and means whereby this danger can be eliminated.”

So said Sean Garland, general secretary of the Workers' Party in 1989. In 1989 both Rabbitte and Gilmore were elected as Workers' Party TDs. Gilmore joined the Official Republican movement when he was in college in 1975. Rabitte was first elected as a Workers' Party councilor in 1985. Today Eamon Gilmore today is of course leader of the Labour party,  Tánaiste and Minister for Forign Affairs and Trade. Rabbitte is Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources.

We are all familiar with Gerry Adams denials he was in the PIRA, but at least he didn't pretend that they didn't exist. The Workers' Party, in which Gilmore and Rabbitte were leading members, routinely denied that the OIRA or "Group B" existed. However with the release of Garlands letter in the Irish Times (incidentally his old buddies in Labour campaigned to stop him from getting extradited to America recently over "superdollar" forgery charges. Garland was ultimately successful in his attempts to block extradition) we have a clear admission that the Workers' Party had no "regular" income and was funded by "illegal" means.

Everyone already knew this, but this letter serves as final confirmation. The Workers' Party was funded by bank robberies, theft, intimidation and forgery. (A printing press linked to the party was involved in forging money)

"Raising party funds was crucial to fight effective campaigns on both sides of the Border, he wrote, particularly as the party had just ordered a new offset printing press costing a total of £170,000 with a five-year bank “laese” (sic).
“Over the past years we have had to borrow large amounts of money to expand and maintain the party. Our technical section has been severly restricted for tactical reasons because of the dangers involved in illegal activity.”

Were the numerous election campaigns of the Workers' Party, including those of Gilmore and Rabbitte during the eighties and later funded by the OIRA? Garland says the party was funded by "illegal" means. Gilmore and Rabbitte have "both denied having any knowledge of illegal fundraising by their former political party." They also stated that they received no funds from Workers' Party headquarters for their 1989 general election campaign. What about their previous election campaigns? Ones such as these for example?



Are we supposed to believe that Gilmore and Rabbitte never got any money at all from their party to run campaigns or to carry out any other political activity? Ever?


[From "The Lost Revolution"]
“Group B’s continued importance was evident in a financial report…in October 1990. From October 1989 until September 1990, costs covered by party head office had amounted to £360,300, of which WP funds provided £189,900 with the balance of £170,600 met by Repsol.”

Repsol were their publishing organ and were involved, according to the book and other sources, with money laundering and all sorts of other illegal activity. Take a look at who published and printed the election leaflets previously linked.

It is incomprehensible that members of the Workers' Party did not know of "Group B" and their activities. In fact in the book it is asserted that De Rossa (former IRA prisoner, TD, MEP) a close ally of the twosome was assured by Garland around 1990 that Group B was to be wound up and criminal activity would stop... ie De Rossa knew of "Group B" and their activity. Garland lied anyway and activity did not cease. Gilmore, De Rossa, Rabbitte and co split from the workers party and set up Democratic Left after 92 and merged (and later in effect took over) Labour in 1999.

Throughout the 1980s, allegations that the Official IRA remained in existence and was engaged in criminal activity appeared in the Irish press. In June 1982 the feud with the INLA flared again after OIRA member James Flynn, the alleged assassin of Seamus Costello,[13] was shot dead by the INLA in Dublin.[14] In December 1985 five men, including a Mr. Anthony McDonagh, pleaded guilty to charges of conspiracy to defraud the Inland Revenue in Northern Ireland—McDonagh was described in court as an Official IRA Commander.[15] In February 1992 a British Spotlight programme alleged that the Official IRA was still active and involved in widespread racketeering and armed robberies.[16]
These eventually proved a considerable political embarrassment to the Workers' Party, and in 1992 the leadership proposed amendments to the party constitution which would, inter alia, effectively allow it to purge members suspected of involvement in the Official IRA. This proposal failed to obtain the required two-thirds support at the party conference that year, and as a result the leadership, including six of the party's seven members of Dáil Éireann, left to establish a new party, later named Democratic Left.
From Wikipedia

There are certainly questions for Gilmore and Co to answer.

As well as "money raising exercises" the OIRA were involved in numerous acts of violence including the notorious murder of Seamus Costello, this is the only time a leader of an Irish political party has been murdered.
From Irish Election Literature

"Of all the politicians and political people with whom I have had conversations, and whom I have had conversations, and who called themselves followers of Connolly, he was the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people”
—Nora Connolly O'Brien

The OIRA met and were active until at least the mid nineties.

Despite the history of the Workers' Party Gilmore, Rabbitte and Enda Kenny (etc etc) routinely berate Sinn Féin about the provos in the Dáil every time SF ask a question.

This attack by Gilmore on Mary Lou McDonald is a prime example:
TANAISTE Eamon Gilmore has launched his most stinging attack to date on Sinn Fein, declaring: "How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Fein."
Mr Gilmore was responding to Sinn Fein deputy leader Mary-Lou McDonald’s allegations of “sharp corrupt practice” by Health Minister Dr James Reilly.....
Mr Gilmore said McDonald had “some neck”.
“So much illegal activity. How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Fein. You have a neck. You have a neck,” he said.
'How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Féin?' - Gilmore

Kathleen and Bernard Lynch

I think Gilmore and Rabbitte and the other ex stickies in Labour (including Minister Kathleen Lynch who was a member of the Workers' Party too along with Gilmore and Rabbitte. Her PA, wages paid by the Irish people, is her husband Bernard Lynch who was acquitted of the brutal machine gun murder of Larry White on a technicality)  should look at themselves, and Kenny should look at who sits beside him, before pontificating about the IRA.

Workers' Party members have had a huge influence, with secret cumann in organisations like RTE for example, on the media over the past few decades. These "sleepers" are perhaps one of the reasons why Gilmore and co never get asked about their past during interviews like Gerry Adams and pretty much everyone in Sinn Féin does. Vincent Browne is one of the very few media personalities who makes an attempt. As a result of his journalistic investigations into the Workers' Party (it was also known as Sinn Féin the Workers' Party), the OIRA and the murder of Seamus Costello, he suffered death threats in the 80's. You can find many of the articles in question, which first appeared in Magill, at the following links. They are essential reading and outline the links between the Workers' Party and the OIRA as well as describe the types of activity the OIRA got up to:

SFWP - in the shadow of a gunman

The secret world of the SFWP 


Why am I bringing this up?

None of this is widely known among the general public. It should be, so people can see just what these Labour party members have been associated with in the past and that they are in no position to be accusing others of having "some neck".


Tyrants… hypocrites… liars!
P.H Pearse, The Rebel







_________________________________________________________________________

Sources, further reading etc

Books:

Websites/blogs:
News Articles:

Posted by Saoirse Go Deo On Wednesday, January 16, 2013 8 comments READ FULL POST
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    This is my personal blog and all herein is merely personal opinion expressed solely on my own behalf from my viewpoint as an Irish Socialist Republican.