"We therefore solemnly declare that our object is to establish a free and independent Republic in Ireland; that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives"
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Tuesday, 12 November 2013
The Ralahine Commune was a co-operative society founded in 1831 on the estate of John Vandeleur at Ralahine, Co. Clare, with the assistance of a socialist from England called Thomas Craig. Here follows James Connolly's account of the Ralahine Commune as published in his book "Labour in Irish History", the entirety of which you can read or download here.
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| James Connolly |
In 1832 the great English socialist, Robert Owen, visited Ireland and held a number of meetings in the Rotunda, Dublin, for the purpose of explaining the principles of Socialism to the people of that city. His audiences were mainly composed of the well-to-do inhabitants, as was, indeed, the case universally at that period when Socialism was the fad of the rich instead of the faith of the poor. The Duke of Leinster, the Catholic Archbishop Murray, Lord Meath, Lord Cloncurry, and others occupied the platform, and as a result of the picture drawn by Owen of the misery then existing, and the attendant insecurity of life and property amongst all classes, and his outline of the possibilities which a system of Socialist co-operation could produce, an association styling itself the Hibernian Philanthropic Society was formed to carry out his ideas. A sum of money was subscribed to aid the prospects of the society, a General Brown giving £1,000, Lord Cloncurry £500, Mr. Owen himself subscribing £1,000, and £100 being raised from other sources. The society was short-lived and ineffectual, but one of the members, Mr. Arthur Vandeleur, an Irish landlord, was so deeply impressed with all he had seen and heard of the possibilities of Owenite Socialism, that in 1831, when crime and outrage in the country had reached its zenith, and the insecurity of life in his own class had been brought home to him by the assassination of the steward of his estate for unfeeling conduct towards the labourers, he resolved to make an effort to establish a Socialist colony upon his property at Ralahine, County Clare. For that purpose he invited to Ireland a Mr. Craig, of Manchester, a follower of Owen, and entrusted him with the task of carrying the project into execution.
In the preamble to the Laws of the Association, its objects were defined as follows: –
1. The acquisition of a common capital.
2. The mutual assurance of its members against the evils of poverty, sickness, infirmity, and old age.
3. The attainment of a greater share of the comforts of life than the working classes now possess.
4. The mental and moral improvement of its adult members.
5. The education of their children.
The following paragraphs selected from the Rules of the Association will give a pretty clear idea of its most important features: –
BASIS OF THE SOCIETY
1. That all the stock, implements of husbandry, and other property belong to and are the property of Mr. Vandeleur, until the Society accumulates sufficient to pay for them; they then become the joint property of the Society.
PRODUCTION
1. We engage that whatever talents we may individually possess, whether mental or muscular, agricultural, manufacturing, or scientific, shall be directed to the benefit of all, as well by their immediate exercise in all necessary occupations as by communicating our knowledge to each other, and particularly to the young.
2. That, as far as can be reduced to practice, each individual shall assist in agricultural operations, particularly in harvest, it being fully understood that no individual is to act as steward, but all are to work.
3. That all the youth, male or female, do engage to learn some useful trade, together with agriculture and gardening, between the ages of nine and seventeen years.
4. That the committee meet every evening to arrange the business for the following day.
5. That the hours of labour be from six in the morning till six in the evening in summer, and from daybreak till dusk in winter, with the intermission of one hour for dinner.
6. That each agricultural labouring man shall receive eightpence, and every woman fivepence per day for their labour (these were the ordinary wages of the country, the secretary, storekeeper, smiths, joiners, and a few others received something more; the excess being borne by the proprietor) which it is expected will be paid out at the store in provisions, or any other article the society may produce or keep there; any other articles may be purchased elsewhere.
7. That no member be expected to perform any service or work but such as is agreeable to his or her feelings, or they are able to perform; but if any member thinks that any other member is not usefully employing his or her time, it is his or her duty to report it to the committee, whose duty it will be to bring that member’s conduct before a general meeting, who shall have power, if necessary, to expel that useless member.
DISTRIBUTION AND DOMESTIC ECONOMY
1. That all the services usually performed by servants be performed by the youth of both sexes under the age of seventeen years, either by rotation or choice.
2. That the expenses of the children’s food, clothing, washing, lodging, and education be paid out of the common funds of the society, from the time they are weaned till they arrive at the age of seventeen, when they shall be eligible to become members.
3. That a charge be made for the food and clothing, &c., of those children trained by their parents, and residing in their dwelling houses.
4. That each person occupying a house, or cooking and consuming their victuals therein, must pay for the fuel used.
5. That no charge be made for fuel used in the public room.
6. That it shall be a special object for the sub-committee of domestic economy, or the superintendent of that department, to ascertain and put in practice the best and most economical methods of preparing and cooking the food.
7. That all the washing be done together in the public washhouse; the expenses of soap, labour, fuel, &c., to be equally borne by all the adult members.
8. That each member pay the sum of one half-penny out of every shilling received as wages to form a fund to be placed in the hands of the committee, who shall pay the wages out of this fund of any member who may fall sick or meet with an accident.
9. Any damage done by a member to the stock, implements, or any other property belonging to the society to be made good out of the wages of the individual, unless the damage is satisfactorily accounted for to the committee.
EDUCATION AND FORMATION OF CHARACTER
1. We guarantee each other that the young children of any person dying whilst a member of this society, shall be equally protected, educated, and cherished with the children of the living members, and entitled, when they arrive at the age of seventeen, to all the privileges of members.
2. That each individual shall enjoy perfect liberty of conscience, and freedom of expression of opinion, and in religious worship.
3. That no spirituous liquors of any kind, tobacco, or snuff be kept in the store, or on the premises.
4. That if any of us should unfortunately have a dispute with any other person, we agree to abide by a decision of the majority of the members, or any person to whom the matter in question may be by them referred.
5. That any person wishing to marry another do sign a declaration to that effect one week previous to the marriage taking place, and that immediate preparations be made for the erection, or fitting-up of a suitable dwelling house for their reception.
6. That any person wishing to marry another person, not a member, shall sign a declaration according to the last rule; the person not a member shall then be balloted for, and, if rejected, both must leave the society.
7. That if the conduct of any member be found injurious to the well-being of the society, the committee shall explain to him or her in what respect his or her conduct shall continue to transgress the rules, such member shall be brought before a general meeting, called for the purpose, and if the complaint be substantiated, three-fourths of the members present shall have power to expel, by ballot, such refractory member.
GOVERNMENT
1. The society to be governed, and its business transacted, by a committee of nine members, to be chosen half-yearly, by ballot, by all the adult male and female members, the ballot list to contain at least four of the last committee.
2. The committee to meet every evening and their transactions to be regularly entered into a minute book, the recapitulation of which is to be given at the society’s general meeting by the secretary.
3. That there be a general weekly meeting of the society; that the treasurer’s accounts be audited by the committee, and read over to the society; that the Suggestion Book be also read at this meeting.
The colony did not use the ordinary currency of the country, but instead adopted a ‘Labour Note’ system of payment, all workers being paid in notes according to the number of hours worked, and being able to exchange the notes in the store for all the necessities of life. The notes were printed on stiff cardboard about the size of a visiting card, and represented the equivalent of a whole, a half, a quarter, an eighth, and a sixteenth of a day’s labour. There were also special notes printed in red ink representing respectively the labours of a day and a half, and two days. In his account of the colony published under the title of History of Ralahine, by Heywood & Sons, Manchester (a book we earnestly recommend to all our readers), Mr. Craig says: –
“The labour was recorded daily on a ‘Labour Sheet’, which was exposed to view during the following week. The members could work or not at their own discretion. If no work, no record, and, therefore, no pay. Practically the arrangement was of great use. There were no idlers”.
Further on he comments: –
“The advantages of the labour notes were soon evident in the saving of members. They had no anxiety as to employment, wages, or the price of provisions. Each could partake of as much vegetable food as he or she could desire. The expenses of the children from infancy, for food or education, were provided for out of the common fund.
The object should be to obtain a rule of justice, if we seek the law of righteousness. This can only be fully realised in that equality arising out of a community of property where the labour of one member is valued at the same rate as that of another member, and labour is exchanged for labour. It was not possible to attain to this condition of equality at Ralahine, but we made such arrangements as would impart a feeling of security, fairness and justice to all. The prices of provisions were fixed and uniform. A labourer was charged one shilling a week for as many vegetables and as much fruit as he chose to consume; milk was a penny per quart; beef and mutton fourpence, and pork two and one-half pence per pound. The married members occupying separate quarters were charged sixpence per week for rent, and twopence for fuel.”
In dealing with Ireland no one can afford to ignore the question of the attitude of the clergy; it is therefore interesting to quote the words of an English visitor to Ralahine, a Mr. Finch, who afterwards wrote a series of fourteen letters describing the community, and offered to lay a special report before a Select Committee of the House of Commons upon the subject. He says: –
“The only religion taught by the society was the unceasing practice of promoting the happiness of every man, woman, and child to the utmost extent in their power. Hence the Bible was not used as a school-book; no sectarian opinions were taught in the schools; no public dispute about religious dogmas or party political questions took place; nor were members allowed to ridicule each other’s religion; nor were there any attempts at proselytism. Perfect freedom in the performance of religious duties and religious exercises was guaranteed to all. The teaching of religion was left to ministers of religion and to the parents; but no priest or minister received anything from the funds of the society. Nevertheless, both Protestant and Catholic priests were friendly to the system as soon as they understood it, and one reason was that they found these sober, industrious persons had now a little to give them out of their earnings, whereas formerly they had been beggars.”
Mr. Craig also states that the members of the community, after it had been in operation for some time, were better Catholics than before they began. He had at first considerable difficulty in warding off the attacks of zealous Protestant proselytisers, and his firmness in doing so was one of the chief factors in winning the confidence of the people as well as their support in insisting upon the absolutely non-sectarian character of the teaching.
All disputes between the members were settled by appeals to a general meeting in which all adults of both sexes participated, and from which all judges, lawyers, and other members of the legal fraternity were rigorously excluded.
“This machine of ours is one of the first machines ever given to the working classes to lighten their labour, and at the same time increase their comforts. It does not benefit any one person among us exclusively, nor throw any individual out of employment. Any kind of machinery used for shortening labour – except used in a co-operative society like ours – must tend to lessen wages, and to deprive working men of employment, and finally either to starve them, force them into some other employment (and then reduce wages in that also) or compel them to emigrate. Now, if the working classes would cordially and peacefully unite to adopt our system, no power or party could prevent their success.”
This was published by order of the committee, 21st August, 1833, and when we observe the date we cannot but wonder at the number of things Clare – and the rest of Ireland – has forgotten since.
It must not be supposed that the landlord of the estate on which Ralahine was situated had allowed his enthusiasm for Socialism to run away with his self-interest. On the contrary, when turning over his farms to the community he stipulated for the payment to himself of a very heavy rental in kind. We extract from Brotherhood, a Christian Socialist Journal published in the north of Ireland in 1891, a statement of the rental, and a very luminous summing-up of the lesson of Ralahine, by the editor, Mr. Bruce Wallace, long a hard and unselfish worker for the cause of Socialism in Ireland: –
“The Association was bound to deliver annually, either at Ralahine, Bunratty, Clare, or Limerick, as the landlord might require, free of expense –
Wheat 320 brls.
Barley 240 brls.
Oats 50 brls.
Butter 10 cwt.
Pork 30 cwt.
Beef 70 cwt.
“At the prices then prevailing, this amount of produce would be equivalent to about, £900, £700 of rent for the use of natural forces and opportunities, and £200 of interest upon capital. It was thus a pretty stiff tribute that these poor Irish toilers had to pay for the privilege of making a little bit of their native soil fruitful. This tribute was, of course, so much to be deducted from the means of improving their sunken condition. In any future efforts that may be made to profit by the example of Ralahine and to apply again the principles of co-operation in farming, there ought to be the utmost care taken to reduce to a minin um the tribute payable to non-workers, and if possible to get rid of it altogether. If, despite this heavy burden of having to produce a luxurious maintenance for loungers, the condition of the toilers at Ralahine, as we shall see, was marvellously raised by the introduction of the co-operative principle amongst them, how much more satisfactorily would it have been raised had they been free of that depressing dead weight?”
Such is the lesson of Ralahine. Had all the land and buildings belonged to the people, had all other estates in Ireland been conducted on the same principles, and the industries of the country also so organised, had each of them appointed delegates to confer on the business of the country at some common centre as Dublin, the framework and basis of a free Ireland would have been realised. And when Ireland does emerge into complete control of her own destinies she must seek the happiness of her people in the extension on a national basis of the social arrangements of Ralahine, or else be but another social purgatory for her poor – a purgatory where the pangs of the sufferers will be heightened by remembering the delusive promises of political reformers.
In the most crime-ridden county in Ireland this partial experiment in Socialism abolished crime; where the fiercest fight for religious domination had been fought it brought the mildest tolerance; where drunkenness had fed fuel to the darkest passions it established sobriety and gentleness; where poverty and destitution had engendered brutality, midnight marauding, and a contempt for all social bonds, it enthroned security, peace and reverence for justice, and it did this solely by virtue of the influence of the new social conception attendant upon the institution of common property bringing a common interest to all. Where such changes came in the bud, what might we not expect from the flower? If a partial experiment in Socialism, with all the drawbacks of an experiment, will achieve such magnificent results what could we not rightfully look for were all Ireland, all the world, so organised on the basis of common property, and exploitation and mastership forever abolished?
The downfall of the Association came as a result of the iniquitous land laws of Great Britain refusing to recognise the right of such a community to hold a lease or to act as tenants. The landlord, Mr. Vandeleur, lost his fortune in a gambling transaction in Dublin, and fled in disgrace, unable to pay his debts. The persons who took over the estate under bankruptcy proceedings refused to recognise the community, insisted upon treating its members as common labourers on the estate, seized upon the buildings and grounds and broke up the Association.
So Ralahine ended. But in the rejuvenated Ireland of the future the achievement of those simple peasants will be dwelt upon with admiration as a great and important landmark in the march of the human race towards its complete social emancipation. Ralahine was an Irish point of interrogation erected amidst the wildernesses of capitalist thought and feudal practice, challenging both in vain for an answer. Other smaller communities were also established in Ireland during the same period. A Lord Wallscourt established a somewhat similar community on his estate in County Galway; The Quarterly Review of November, 1819, states that there was then a small community existent nine miles outside Dublin, which held thirty acres, supported a priest and a school of 300 children, had erected buildings, made and sold jaunting cars, and comprised butchers, carpenters and wheelwrights; the Quakers of Dublin established a Co-operative Woollen Factory, which flourished until it was destroyed by litigation set on foot by dissatisfied members who had been won over to the side of rival capitalists, and a communal home was established and long maintained in Dublin by members of the same religious sect, but without any other motive than that of helping forward the march of social amelioration. We understand that the extensive store of Messrs. Ganly & Sons on Usher’s Quay in Dublin was the home of this community, who lived, worked and enjoyed themselves in the spacious halls, and slept in the smaller rooms of what is now the property of a capitalist auctioneer.
Sunday, 10 November 2013
I wrote this a while back and it was originally published on Politicalworld.org's excellent group blog 'It's a Political World'. It's an interesting topic and it got a decent response so I decided to post it here also.
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| Edward Carson |
Stormont then passed an act (Local Govt, Emergency Powers Bill) which permitted:
“the Ministry, in the event of any of the local authorities refusing to function or refusing to carry out the duties imposed on them under the Local Government Acts, can dissolve such authority and in its place appoint a Commission to carry on the duties of such authority” – Dawson Bates
Fermanagh CC passed the following motion on 21st December 1921;
“We, the County Council of Fermanagh, in view of the expressed desire of a large majority of people in this country, do not recognize the partition parliament in Belfast and do hereby direct our secretary to hold no further communications with either Belfast or British local governments, and we pledge our allegiance to Dáil Eireann”
The RIC seized their offices, sacked officials and the County Council was dissolved and replaced by Commissioners. Armagh, Keady and Newry Urban Councils, Downpatrick Town Commissioners, Cookstown, Downpatrick, Kilkeel, Lisnaskea, Strabane, Magherafelt, and Newry 1 & 2 Rural Councils as well as some Boards of Poor Law Guardians were all similarly dissolved and replaced by commissioners by April 1922. Derry remained.
To permanently deal with the problem, for the following local elections, PR was abolished, and all councilors were obliged to swear an oath to the crown. Our friend Dawson Bates then appointed Sir John Leech as the man to redraw boundaries, which he did at a rapid pace often giving locals only one week to make submissions – nationalists tended to boycott this absurdity. The plan worked excellently – after the 1924 local elections only 2 of the eighty councils were nationalist. Gerrymandering went on, Armagh Urban Council (Nationalist) was dissolved in 1934 and was only set back up again in 1946 with new wards and a unionist majority. Over these years Derry was re-jigged on a number of occasions.
Votes were also limited to rate payers, which was worse on catholics. However in 1945 the new Labour government in Britain abolished this restricted franchise and granted universal suffrage – Stormont managed to be excluded from this and they actually went further with their own Representation of the People Bill 1946 and disenfranchised more people by taking votes away from lodgers, who again were disproportionately catholic given the shortage of housing and Unionist control of how houses were allocated. Companies were also given multiple votes, depending on their value – up to six votes to be cast by the company’s directors. The Unionist government were not even subtle about it, their Chief Whip Major L.E Curran stated it was ;
“to prevent Nationalists getting control of the three border counties and Derry City… The best way to prevent the overthrow of the government by the people who have no stake in the country and had not the welfare of the people of Ulster at heart was to disenfranchise them”
Gerrymandering continued right up until 1967 when the local councils in Fermanagh were all amalgamated into one which despite being a majority nationalist county, was dominated by Unionists to the tune of 36 seats to 17.
Councils were very powerful, as well as allocating houses they were major employers. Unionist control ensured jobs for the boys, school bus drivers, manual laborers etc.
Most of what I know is from Michael Farrell’s “Northern Ireland, The Orange State” but I would like to know more, in particular about what councils did in an attempt to prevent this and what they did during the war of independence and before they were all dissolved. A good topic for a thesis I reckon.
Thursday, 21 March 2013
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| Fenian Flag, 1867. Note the American influence. |
The Irish People of the World;
We have suffered centuries of outrage, enforced poverty, and bitter misery. Our rights and liberties have been trampled on by an alien aristocracy, who treating us as foes, usurped our lands, and drew away from our unfortunate country all material riches. The real owners of the soil were removed to make room for cattle, and driven across the ocean to seek the means of living, and the political rights denied to them at home, while our men of thought and action were condemned to loss of life and liberty. But we never lost the memory and hope of a national existence. We appealed in vain to the reason and sense of justice of the dominant powers.
Our mildest remonstrance's were met with sneers and contempt. Our appeals to arms were always unsuccessful.
Today, having no honourable alternative left, we again appeal to force as our last resource. We accept the conditions of appeal, manfully deeming it better to die in the struggle for freedom than to continue an existence of utter serfdom.
All men are born with equal rights, and in associating to protect one another and share public burdens, justice demands that such associations should rest upon a basis which maintains equality instead of destroying it.
We therefore declare that, unable longer to endure the curse of Monarchical Government, we aim at founding a Republic based on universal suffrage, which shall secure to all the intrinsic value of their labour.
The soil of Ireland, at present in the possession of an oligarchy, belongs to us, the Irish people, and to us it must be restored.
We declare, also, in favour of absolute liberty of conscience, and complete separation of Church and State.
We appeal to the Highest Tribunal for evidence of the justness of our cause. History bears testimony to the integrity of our sufferings, and we declare, in the face of our brethren, that we intend no war against the people of England – our war is against the aristocratic locusts, whether English or Irish, who have eaten the verdure of our fields – against the aristocratic leeches who drain alike our fields and theirs.
Republicans of the entire world, our cause is your cause. Our enemy is your enemy. Let your hearts be with us. As for you, workmen of England, it is not only your hearts we wish, but your arms. Remember the starvation and degradation brought to your firesides by the oppression of labour. Remember the past, look well to the future, and avenge yourselves by giving liberty to your children in the coming struggle for human liberty.
Herewith we proclaim the Irish Republic.
The Provisional Government.
Above: Fenian bond issued in America to fund the Fenian Rising of 1867; "redeemable six months after the ackowledgement of the Independence of the Irish Nation". The rising ultimately failed but an Irish Republic was declared.
Monday, 25 February 2013
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| Myles Byrne |
INTRODUCTION
I OWE my acquaintance with these Memoirs to Mr. John Dillon, who spoke of them as the best of all books dealing with Ireland ; and a reading of the volumes left me inclined to agree with him. The intrinsic interest of Byrne's narrative, its easy unaffected flow, and above all the high and chivalrous temper which pervades the whole, give it an excellence, rare anywhere, but which in all the bitter records of Irish warfare is without parallel. No man could have subjects more painful than the Wexford Rebellion and Emmet's rising ; no man could have handled them more frankly, whether in stating facts or in judgments upon conduct. Yet of all books dealing with modern Irish history this is the least painful to read that is known to me.
But Byrne's Memoirs were not only concerned with Irish rebellion ; he wrote as a veteran who had seen war in half the countries of Europe. The title of the original edition is;
" Memoirs of Miles Byrne. Chef de Bataillon in the Service of France :Officer of the Legion of Honour, Knight of St. Louis, etc. Edited by his Widow. Paris : Bossange et Cie. 1863."
A brief sketch of his career will best explain the nature of the Memoirs.
In 1798 Miles Byrne was a young and well-to-do farmer at Monaseed on the northern border of county Wexford. He was a sworn United Irishman, and, before the rebellion actually broke out, was in hiding. From the first raising of the standard he was active, but his narrative leaves us in doubt by what deeds of bravery he attained to the position of leader; no soldier was ever more modest. After fighting through the whole series of actions, he led a body into the Wicklow hills, where he and his held out along with Holt and Dwyer till the general dispersal which took place on the news of Humbert's surrender. Byrne made his way to Dublin, and found means to conceal himself and gradually to find occupation in supervising a builder's workmen. Four years passed by and he had nothing to apprehend ; yet when Robert Emmet came to Dublin in the winter of 1802-3, Byrne promptly associated himself in the new peril. The story of that unhappy enterprise is nowhere so clearly and consistently told as in these Memoirs ; and whoever else may slight the memory of Emmet, Byrne, the soldier of Napoleon, looking back from a long life's experience, offers more heartfelt homage to this ill-starred leader than to any of the great men whose names figure in his record.
When the rising had failed, Emmet made his way back to Dublin and asked Byrne to carry news to the United Irishmen in Paris. This service of danger was faithfully performed, and the exile found himself among a group of Irishmen, all in the same unhappy situation, yet all hoping for another French invasion in which they should take part. Their hopes ran high when they were formed into the cadre or skeleton of a regiment which should be filled up with men when they landed in Ireland, and were sent to be trained on the Breton coast. But months and years passed, and when the Irish Legion was called into service and its ranks filled up, the service was on the Continent. In the Low Countries, in the Spanish Peninsula, on the Elbe, and on the Rhine, Byrne and his comrades fought for Napoleon, till the great general's star set finally in disaster. Then they or what was left of them were dismissed the French service, for the Bourbons were naturally eager to pleasure the Court of England Some were actually banished from France ; some, more fortunate, had leave to remain on half-pay, and of the latter Byrne was one.
But in 1830 the revolution which dethroned Charles X. brought better days for Miles Byrne. He was not only recalled to full pay, and given the rank of chef de bataillon (equivalent to lieutenant-colonel) which had been promised him under Napoleon, but he was at once actively employed, and in the cause of freedom. He held a high command in the first expedition dispatched for the liberation of Greece.
For many years after this he was an ordinary regimental officer in the French army ; these Memoirs were the occupation of his leisure after he had finally retired, and the latter part of them was clearly never finished. The book, as it originally appeared, was edited by Mrs. Byrne, and it made three volumes, of which the first was occupied with the description of his experiences of rebellion in Ireland, while the second gave an admirable narrative of his campaigns under Buonaparte, including the whole history of Napoleon's Irish Legion from its formation to its dissolution. These two volumes are evidently as their author intended them to be. The third is little more than loose leaves from a notebook but a notebook full of interesting material. Opening with an account of Byrne's own life in Paris before the formation of the Legion, it passes into a general characterisation of the Irish exiles then in France. The account of the Greek campaign is fragmentary ; and there is a good deal of repetition and defective arrangement
In the present edition the eleven hundred odd pages of the original have been reduced into the compass of two volumes; and even so the book remains so large that it has seemed best to add nothing by way of illustrative comment. My task as editor, then, has reduced itself to seeing the pages through the press, correcting the spelling of proper names, suppressing actual repretitions, and here and there altering the arrangement. I have dealt a little more freely with the third volume, omitting here and there what seemed to lack interest. But care has been taken to leave in full Byrne's judgment on the men with whom he served or whom he met during his residence in Paris ; for nothing is more remarkable in the book than the clearness and justice of perception which these judgments display. Byrne's mind was neither subtle nor brilliant ; but it was evidently rich in common sense, an it combined generosity with a rigorous conception of honour and principle.
As a soldier, he seems to have been the very type of a regimental officer, whose place is in the fighting Hne[sic], whose concern is not with the general conduct of a campaign or an action, but who can be trusted to act boldly, decisively and intelligently in the individual circumstances of war. His book throughout makes one feel the most agreeable and most human aspect of warfare the generous relations between man and man, the cordiality of comradeship, the interludes of gaiety and good-humoured pleasure better than any other known to me except the admirable autobiography which General Sir George Napier wrote, to tell his children how he and his brothers and their brothers in arms fought in the Peninsula "for fun and glory."
But there one strikes a contrast and a sad one. Byrne was not, like the Napiers, a soldier by choice; necessity and unjust dominion drove him from his farm- He and his comrades were the descendants of the Wild Geese "war-dogs battered in every clime," fighters in every cause but their own. His book gives an extraordinary picture of the dispersion of his race : Irish names figure in it under every flag in Europe. And the book is naturally pervaded from first to last with a fierce resentment, the exile's anger against those who keep him from his home, against those who hold
his native country in subjection. Byrne and his comrades fight for France against England with more than a Frenchman's detestation of the enemy. Is this to be wondered at ?
To those Irishmen who know the book this publication will need little commendation. To those who do not, it may be said that it is a trial whether it be possible to find a public ready to buy reprints of books which have a high value in the study of Irish history, and which having passed out of general circulation, are only to be had at a high price ; and upon the success of this venture must depend the subsequent undertaking of similar publications.
STEPHEN GWYNN. 1907
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The full text of these excellent memoirs is available for free in numerous formats over on the excellent website http://archive.org/ at this link.
Wednesday, 16 January 2013
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| Eamon Gilmore and Pat Rabbitte |
“In Ireland our party has no regular source of income, whatever resources we have secured it has been through our own efforts, we state in confidence to you, that we do not allow ourselves to be restricted in the methods of raising resources,” states a four-page letter to the SED [East German Ruling Party,the East German Socialist Unity Party of Germany ] central committee, dated February 26th, 1989.
"Legal and illegal means have been employed by us. We well recognize the dangers involved in some of our resources raising activity in Ireland and we are constantly examining ways and means whereby this danger can be eliminated.”
So said Sean Garland, general secretary of the Workers' Party in 1989. In 1989 both Rabbitte and Gilmore were elected as Workers' Party TDs. Gilmore joined the Official Republican movement when he was in college in 1975. Rabitte was first elected as a Workers' Party councilor in 1985. Today Eamon Gilmore today is of course leader of the Labour party, Tánaiste and Minister for Forign Affairs and Trade. Rabbitte is Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources.
We are all familiar with Gerry Adams denials he was in the PIRA, but at least he didn't pretend that they didn't exist. The Workers' Party, in which Gilmore and Rabbitte were leading members, routinely denied that the OIRA or "Group B" existed. However with the release of Garlands letter in the Irish Times (incidentally his old buddies in Labour campaigned to stop him from getting extradited to America recently over "superdollar" forgery charges. Garland was ultimately successful in his attempts to block extradition) we have a clear admission that the Workers' Party had no "regular" income and was funded by "illegal" means.
Everyone already knew this, but this letter serves as final confirmation. The Workers' Party was funded by bank robberies, theft, intimidation and forgery. (A printing press linked to the party was involved in forging money)
"Raising party funds was crucial to fight effective campaigns on both sides of the Border, he wrote, particularly as the party had just ordered a new offset printing press costing a total of £170,000 with a five-year bank “laese” (sic).
“Over the past years we have had to borrow large amounts of money to expand and maintain the party. Our technical section has been severly restricted for tactical reasons because of the dangers involved in illegal activity.”
Were the numerous election campaigns of the Workers' Party, including those of Gilmore and Rabbitte during the eighties and later funded by the OIRA? Garland says the party was funded by "illegal" means. Gilmore and Rabbitte have "both denied having any knowledge of illegal fundraising by their former political party." They also stated that they received no funds from Workers' Party headquarters for their 1989 general election campaign. What about their previous election campaigns? Ones such as these for example?
- Eamon Gilmore – Workers Party- Dun Laoghaire- November 1982
- Eamon Gilmore- Workers Party -1985 Local Elections - Ballybrack
- Pat Rabbitte – Workers Party – Dublin South West, 1987 General Election
- Eamon Gilmore -Workers Party -Dun Laoghaire, 1987 General Election
Are we supposed to believe that Gilmore and Rabbitte never got any money at all from their party to run campaigns or to carry out any other political activity? Ever?
[From "The Lost Revolution"]
“Group B’s continued importance was evident in a financial report…in October 1990. From October 1989 until September 1990, costs covered by party head office had amounted to £360,300, of which WP funds provided £189,900 with the balance of £170,600 met by Repsol.”
Repsol were their publishing organ and were involved, according to the book and other sources, with money laundering and all sorts of other illegal activity. Take a look at who published and printed the election leaflets previously linked.
It is incomprehensible that members of the Workers' Party did not know of "Group B" and their activities. In fact in the book it is asserted that De Rossa (former IRA prisoner, TD, MEP) a close ally of the twosome was assured by Garland around 1990 that Group B was to be wound up and criminal activity would stop... ie De Rossa knew of "Group B" and their activity. Garland lied anyway and activity did not cease. Gilmore, De Rossa, Rabbitte and co split from the workers party and set up Democratic Left after 92 and merged (and later in effect took over) Labour in 1999.
Throughout the 1980s, allegations that the Official IRA remained in existence and was engaged in criminal activity appeared in the Irish press. In June 1982 the feud with the INLA flared again after OIRA member James Flynn, the alleged assassin of Seamus Costello,[13] was shot dead by the INLA in Dublin.[14] In December 1985 five men, including a Mr. Anthony McDonagh, pleaded guilty to charges of conspiracy to defraud the Inland Revenue in Northern Ireland—McDonagh was described in court as an Official IRA Commander.[15] In February 1992 a British Spotlight programme alleged that the Official IRA was still active and involved in widespread racketeering and armed robberies.[16]From Wikipedia
These eventually proved a considerable political embarrassment to the Workers' Party, and in 1992 the leadership proposed amendments to the party constitution which would, inter alia, effectively allow it to purge members suspected of involvement in the Official IRA. This proposal failed to obtain the required two-thirds support at the party conference that year, and as a result the leadership, including six of the party's seven members of Dáil Éireann, left to establish a new party, later named Democratic Left.
There are certainly questions for Gilmore and Co to answer.
As well as "money raising exercises" the OIRA were involved in numerous acts of violence including the notorious murder of Seamus Costello, this is the only time a leader of an Irish political party has been murdered.
 |
| From Irish Election Literature |
"Of all the politicians and political people with whom I have had conversations, and whom I have had conversations, and who called themselves followers of Connolly, he was the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people”
—Nora Connolly O'Brien
The OIRA met and were active until at least the mid nineties.
Despite the history of the Workers' Party Gilmore, Rabbitte and Enda Kenny (etc etc) routinely berate Sinn Féin about the provos in the Dáil every time SF ask a question.
This attack by Gilmore on Mary Lou McDonald is a prime example:
TANAISTE Eamon Gilmore has launched his most stinging attack to date on Sinn Fein, declaring: "How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Fein."'How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Féin?' - Gilmore
Mr Gilmore was responding to Sinn Fein deputy leader Mary-Lou McDonald’s allegations of “sharp corrupt practice” by Health Minister Dr James Reilly.....
Mr Gilmore said McDonald had “some neck”.
“So much illegal activity. How many bodies are buried on this island because of Sinn Fein. You have a neck. You have a neck,” he said.
Kathleen and Bernard Lynch
I think Gilmore and Rabbitte and the other ex stickies in Labour (including Minister Kathleen Lynch who was a member of the Workers' Party too along with Gilmore and Rabbitte. Her PA, wages paid by the Irish people, is her husband Bernard Lynch who was acquitted of the brutal machine gun murder of Larry White on a technicality) should look at themselves, and Kenny should look at who sits beside him, before pontificating about the IRA.
Workers' Party members have had a huge influence, with secret cumann in organisations like RTE for example, on the media over the past few decades. These "sleepers" are perhaps one of the reasons why Gilmore and co never get asked about their past during interviews like Gerry Adams and pretty much everyone in Sinn Féin does. Vincent Browne is one of the very few media personalities who makes an attempt. As a result of his journalistic investigations into the Workers' Party (it was also known as Sinn Féin the Workers' Party), the OIRA and the murder of Seamus Costello, he suffered death threats in the 80's. You can find many of the articles in question, which first appeared in Magill, at the following links. They are essential reading and outline the links between the Workers' Party and the OIRA as well as describe the types of activity the OIRA got up to:
SFWP - in the shadow of a gunman
The secret world of the SFWP
Why am I bringing this up?
None of this is widely known among the general public. It should be, so people can see just what these Labour party members have been associated with in the past and that they are in no position to be accusing others of having "some neck".
Tyrants… hypocrites… liars!
P.H Pearse, The Rebel
_________________________________________________________________________
Sources, further reading etc
Books:
- The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party - Brian Hanley and Scott Millar. A must read.
Websites/blogs:
- http://seangarlandextradition.wordpress.com/
- http://www.politico.ie
- http://irishelectionliterature.wordpress.com
- How involved in racketeering and bank robbery were Messrs Gilmore and Rabbitte? - Namawinelake
News Articles:
- Bernard Lynch serves as assistant to his junior minister wife, but also served a year behind bars: The minister, the husband in a State job and a murder conviction that was quashed on appeal
- Gilmore 'unaware of illegal fundraising' - Indo
- Workers' Party admits illegal activity in letter to East Berlin in late 1980s - Irish Times
- Garland told East Berlin party would not be restricted in fundraising methods - Irish Times
- Vincent Browne: Gilmore and Rabbitte built their careers on cynicism - Irish Times
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